Why the Trump–Mamdani Bromance Won’t Last

From social media to traditional media, people were losing their minds at the love between Donald Trump and Zohran Mamdani at a recent Oval Office meeting. In fairness, Mamdani was more subdued than Trump, who couldn’t resist fawning over the incoming New York City Mayor.
Back-slapping. Shaking hands.
Trump even defended Mamdani against claims from fellow Republicans that he, New York City’s first Muslim mayor, is a “jihadist.” That baseless gem came from Trump’s former attack dog in Congress and New York gubernatorial hopeful, Elise Stefanik, who doubled down after the White House meeting.
Trump interacted with Mamdani in a way he never has with JD Vance, members of his cabinet, or even his own children. And there’s a simple reason why — game recognizes game.
Trump recognized a mirror image of himself: a fellow skilled populist who won an election using the same performative tactics he has employed since 2015.
Regardless of what you think of Trump, it’s difficult to argue that he isn’t one of the most intuitive and charismatic politicians in history. A master marketer, he can command attention in an era where attention is currency. And he admires others who can do the same.
Both men display incredible on-camera presence, know what they stand for, and aren’t shy about selling it. While Trump shines in rallies and on Twitter/Truth Social, Mamdani soars on Instagram Reels and TikTok.
At first glance, these two politicians may appear vastly different, but as I explained in a recent essay, The Trouble With Populism, they are strikingly similar.
Despite being very different politicians, Trump and Mamdani are two sides of the same populist coin. In both cases, the populist rhetoric will likely fail “the people” it’s attempting to save from an evil villain.
So I wasn’t surprised by their affection and the conciliatory tone of the Oval Office meeting. In many ways, they are fighting for the same cause — affordability. It’s a top-versus-bottom approach rather than a left-versus-right strategy.
While politically astute observers may note that Mamdani’s brand seems more authentic given Trump’s recent (and expected) tax cuts for billionaires and cuts to Medicaid via the Big Beautiful Bill, their rhetoric sounds the same. And that’s precisely the point.
Populism in the social media era works because messaging often matters more than governance. What makes for great campaigning frequently produces poor governance, as we’ve seen in the first year of Trump’s second administration. Republicans control all three branches of government, yet have achieved almost nothing on affordability.
Inflation remains high. Food prices have risen, especially in coffee and beef. And the government recently experienced the longest stretch in history.
As I previously explained, “populism erodes the middle ground that’s crucial for democracy to function.” It thrives on discontent and tries to convince us that performance art and shouting across an empty public square constitute good governance.
This is why I don’t expect much from Mamdani as New York City mayor. Most of his proposals may look good on Instagram, but they are largely impractical. For example, he wants to raise the city’s corporate tax rate to match neighboring New Jersey’s rate of 11.5% (up from around 7% currently). He also wants to add a 2% income tax on New York City’s millionaires.
Whether you agree with some of Mamdani’s proposals or not, he can’t do most of this unilaterally. The New York State Assembly, the legislative body he was previously part of, has the power of the purse — not the New York City Mayor. Same for free busing. Transit is handled by the MTA, which is under the purview of the New York State Governor, not the New York City Mayor.
But these more complicated realities are not important when trying to win elections. The performance is all that matters to win the voters’ conscience, while painting the opposition as morally defective or corrupt.
And that’s why when I watched these two populists getting along in the Oval Office, I wasn’t surprised.
It was another performance.
Trump was giddy because there was so much media attention on his meeting with Mamdani. Reporters were stalking Mamdani’s every move from his flight down to D.C. to his drive from the airport to the White House.
Anyone who can generate attention for Trump becomes instantly useful. He is politically astute enough to recognize that he and Mamdani — despite diametrically opposed moral codes — share overlapping supporters.
Trump also knows the midterm elections are around the corner. He knows he’s struggling to win the affordability fight he won the 2024 election on, and he doesn’t want a charismatic young Democrat to lead the charge at beating him at his own game. So his performance and warm welcome of Mamdani at the White House should not be surprising, but expected.
Next comes the part everyone should expect: Trump turning.
If you think he will remain warm towards Mamdani, you are forgetting Trump’s history. The MAGA political wastebasket is filled with Trump critics and sycophants alike who were at times favored confidants. From the generals of his first administration to Elon Musk and the failures of DOGE.
Mamdani may not be part of the MAGA world, but like many of those past political romances, Trump was initially warm and welcoming. Only to turn on anyone with intense vengeance and ferocity once they no longer prove politically valuable.
Just ask Marjorie Taylor Greene, who on the same day Trump rubbed shoulders with Mamdani, announced she would not seek reelection following her very public disputes with him over the Epstein files.
As Mamdani’s term in New York City begins and the midterms inch closer in 2026, don’t be surprised if this love affair ends in epic fashion.
That’s what modern populism demands — the performance must go on. Your attention must be captured.
Mamdani will try to raise taxes and push through his agenda while Trump will likely resort to his nativist fear-mongering. When Trump can’t win decisively on affordability (which he can’t given the current economic situation), his next stop on the MAGA train is always immigration.
The first Muslim mayor of New York City — who wasn’t born in America — will be a ripe target for him. I expect ICE and the National Guard to be making appearances in New York City throughout 2026, especially as we near the midterms, just as they have in other liberal cities across the country that have not bent the knee to Trump’s demands.
For with modern populists, the performance is paramount. So long as you can control voters’ hearts, you don’t need to convince their minds. Which is why Trump often resorts to ugly nativism or birtherism (just ask Obama) and Mamdani relies on class warfare.
These different moral codes share the same populist DNA. They share the same democratic tensions. Neither allow room for compromise or middle ground. Neither promote critical thinking.
Both rely on spectacle. And that spectacle has multiple “Acts.”
Act I was cooperation. Act II is conflict. That’s modern populism.
The show cannot go on without a villain.
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