In The Ghost at the Feast, author Robert Kagan tells the story of America’s incredible and unique rise as a superpower. The book covers the years 1900 through 1941, from the end of the Spanish-American War and outbreak of World War I, to the fascist tyranny that sparked World War II.  

Kagan illustrates that much of it was preventable, and how the rising superpower – America – was the “ghost at the feast.” He describes how America’s natural posture at this time was isolationist. How America strived for neutrality and bliss in the abundance and relative peace of the Western Hemisphere. 

America was unlike any rising power in history. Instead of embracing conquest and global power, it shied away from hegemony on multiple occasions, both ahead of World War I and World War II. America made every effort to take an isolationist stance and avoid confrontation, but each time was dragged into European security matters that threatened global order.  

Kagan provides detailed support for how American efforts at half-hearted interventionism following World War I led to World War II. How the League of Nations failed with no central arbiter equitably enforcing its mandates. How America’s passive stance led to the rise of totalitarian regimes not only in Germany, but Italy and Japan too. 

This book provides crucial warnings for the modern era where fascism once again is on the rise around the world, in places like Russia, Iran, and North Korea. Isolationism and “America First” rhetoric are gaining steam once again within America’s borders. America’s domestic situation is driving its foreign policy decisions, just as they did from 1900 to 1941, with prominent American voices promoting fear and appeasement (see Charles Lindbergh) 

If you want to understand where the world order is headed, it’s best to remember where we’ve been. Let’s review how The Ghost at the Feast provides a great reminder.  

Valuable insight into both America’s domestic situation and world affairs from 1900 through 1941

As has long been the case, American domestic policy drives its foreign policy. We witness this still today as Congress recently debated border security alongside aid for Ukraine. America has historically only had to rely on herself. 

She can thank two giant oceans and peaceful neighbors in both the north and south. 

By 1900 the United States had grown into the world’s largest and most dynamic economy while all the European great powers lived on top of each other. America was isolated and allowed to dominate the western hemisphere, so that’s what it preferred to do. It was very unpopular, especially west of the Allegheny Mountains to promote any opinions that could be perceived as “internationalist.” 

Kagan does a great job describing how even when America did get involved in areas like the Philippines or Cuba, it never had broader plans for taking all or even part of those countries. For example, when America defeated Spain in the Spanish-American War, freeing the Filipinos, many Americans believed the U.S. had an obligation to help them.  

America was the first empire that was anti-imperialist. Kagan carries this theme through a variety of foreign interventions and details how the U.S. had zero intention of ever admitting these new lands into the union. America made its best efforts to implement the principles and institutions of self-government on behalf of local populations.

Although to be fair – and while Kagan does touch on this somewhat (but probably not enough) – if America did not like the local government, especially in Central and South American countries, the U.S. government often forced regime change.  

Regardless, this largely anti-occupationist approach was unheard of at the time when the British and other European powers wielded their empires for economic success. Kagan tells this story beautifully, highlighting the anti-interventionist forces in the American government who were far more concerned about domestic than foreign policy.

Even after Germany’s unprovoked attack on Belgium that escalated World War I, Kagan describes how most Americans didn’t think a world war in Europe could affect them. Isolationism had won the day. In the early years of World War I, the thinking was that European security was separate and distinct from American security.   

How isolationism can lead to war

Kagan’s overall theme is that America was “the ghost at the feast”, not only once but twice. He makes the argument that there’s a clear line one can draw from America’s isolationist stance to the outbreak of both World War I and World War II. 

Neutrality was such a natural posture before World War I, for example, that the Wilson administration drafted a proclamation of neutrality even before Germany physically invaded Belgium or France declared war. The same was true in the years leading up to World War II – many Americans did not see how European security matters affected them thousands of miles away. 

Kagan tracks how this isolationism led to both world wars. 

Had Americans acted with more diplomacy and deterrence, Germany may have thought twice before pushing to expand across Europe. Had it been made clearer to Americans ahead of World War I, for example, about how reliant the U.S. was on the Royal Navy for its economy and European trade, they might have connected the dots sooner – European security was essential for American security. 

Had the implications of a Europe dominated by Nazi Germany been made clearer to Americans long before Pearl Harbor, World War II (and devasting events like the Holocaust) may have been avoided altogether through deterrent actions. 

But America stood on the sidelines each time. Kagan describes how its anti-interventionist mood ahead of World War I created a power vacuum in Europe that allowed an expansionist Germany to act aggressively. He then explains how an indifferent America couldn’t be bothered with enforcing League of Nation or Treaty of Versailles provisions, therefore allowing Nazi Germany to effectively act with impunity when taking belligerent actions like militarizing the Rhineland. 

Kagan could have probably benefited from detailing what Americans could and should have done instead. What deterrent actions could America have taken? How could the U.S. government have persuaded its citizens that European security concerns were of the utmost importance, despite being half a world away? 

Although he’s light on details about what could and should have been done, his isolationism and war theme is well-supported by historical events. He juxtaposes what was going on in Europe with corresponding American sentiment at the time. Each time, many Americans did not have any interest in getting involved in European wars.

Just as many are, once again, feeling today. 

Will America remain ‘The Ghost at the Feast’ as war spreads once again?

The war in Ukraine brought a major war to the European continent for the first time since 1945. It has already lasted for over 2 years. 

Once again, America has played financial backer and supporter of a European country under attack, this time Ukraine. But the U.S. has been hands-off apart from sanctions (which have not been very effective as Russia has found ways around them). 

Even when America has decided to help, it has taken painstakingly long. Domestic policy has distracted from the dire need to act on foreign policy. Ukraine waited too long for aid. Certain weapons were held back for too long out of fear of escalation. 

America has been the ghost at the feast, some 75 years after playing the part ahead of World War II. Have Americans not learned the lessons of history? Did they forget the warnings of World War I and II? 

As Kagan describes, the allies found the potential reality of an all-powerful Germany dominating the heart of Europe too dangerous to consider. They did not want to live under that type of international order, with dictators and kings who operated above the rule of law calling the shots. 

If Putin is permitted to have his way with Ukraine, the world order will change forever. Just as it almost did in World War I had the Kaiser prevailed, and just as it almost did in World War II had Hitler won. 

Some may want to argue that the situation is different, but they would be ignoring the geopolitical similarities – the world’s democracies supporting Ukraine vs. the world’s autocracies supporting Russia. China is watching. Iran is watching. North Korea is watching. 

Just as Germany’s axis and autocratic friends watched in the early 20th century. 

If America does not remember these lessons of history soon and act with more deterrence on Putin’s Russia, the Ukraine war may easily become a European war, which in turn could quickly become a world war. All because the United States was, once again, the ghost at the feast.

I hope someone in the U.S. government picks up Kagan’s book. The parallels could not be clearer.